
S 




Read, and lend to 
your Neighbors. 




Jos Vim a, "Fray.dNS T^ \SV^ 



er 



CONCESSIONS AND COMPROMISES. 




C. Sherman & Soo, 



Printers, Philad. 




t 



£440 



CONCESSIONS AND COMPROMISES. 



It may be too late — madness seems to rule tlie hour — 
and, before the following pages can be presented to my fel- 
low countrymen, some fatal and irrevocable act may be 
done, or word spoken, which may plunge us into revolution, 
and all its fearful consequences. But if reason may yet be 
heard — if there are still, as I really believe, many eveu in 
the cotton States who would willingly try our Government 
a little longer for the good it has done to all, for the honor 
it has gained, for the example it has set, for the memory 
of our ancestors who formed it so wisely and so hopefully, 
after a long struggle in which they shed their blood to- 
gether — then I would oifer, with deference to the counsels 
of such statesmen as still prefer National to State patriot- 
ism, the following suggestions, which I do without further 
preamble. 

Let all State laws, obstructing the action of the fugitive 
slave law, be at once repealed, and suitable penalties in- 
flicted on all who interfere with it, with or without form of 
State law. 

In case of rescue, let the county where it occurred be 
bound to pay the loss. This is an adaptation and a just 
one of the old principle of our Saxon common law in case 
of loss by riot. 

In return for these concessions, let the Fugitive Slave 
Law be modified in the following particulars : 

Let it be enacted, that no man shall be deprived of his 



liberty but by tlie verdict of a jury, if claimed bj' bim ; but 
let tbat trial be licld in the State and County from tchich the 
fugitive is said to have escaped, and let tbe claimant be bound 
before the Xorthern Commissioner in heavy bonds, say for 
$2000, given by himself and two substantial citizens of the 
Northern State, that he shall be returned free of expense 
in case the Southern jury cannot find an unaniinous ver- 
dict, and also to pay such counsel as the negro may have 
engaged. 

It being understood, that this privilege of trial l)y jury 
shall only be accorded in case of formal demand by the 
fugitive or his friends, after the hearing and adjudging of 
his case by the United States Commissioner. 

No one can deny that this is the form of the law which 
w^ould best secure the rights both of the master and the 
negro claimed as a fugitive. 

The latter would first have the chance of release by the 
United States Commissioner, who must be satisfied of the 
evidence for his slavery before giving him up ; then if he 
demanded it, before the jury ; and it is quite certain, there 
never would be a jury unanimously condemning a free 
man to slavery in the very neighborhood where he is said 
to have lived, and where no one would dare to perjure 
himself to establish the claim. It is also notorious that in 
cases of kidnapping, Southern juries have always been fa- 
vorable to the negro. Besides, they do not want among 
them men who have been born and bred freemen in the 
Northern States. 

When the right of jury trial is claimed, — which, I may 
remind my Southern friends, a real slave would never do — 
I w^ould have tlie Commissioner hand over the black man, 
not to the claimant, but to the i)ublie authorities of the 
Southern States, who would deliver him to his master, only 
after the further establishment of his claim by a Southern 
jury; before which, the negro could be defended by coun- 
sel, secured and sent by his Northern friends, who, by my 



plan, would not be called on to pay these expenses, except 
when the claim for freedom was unfounded. 

In this way — while the black man would have a double 
chance — the Commissioner would be relieved from the 
awful responsibility of consigning a fellow-creature to 
hopeless slavery, and knowing he would have a fair 
trial by jury, would only require the amount of evidence 
necessary to decide ordinary cases of law. 

The present clause in the law, giving him a double fee 
in case of finding for the master, should be repealed, as 
odious in all respects. 

The above changes in the law would, I think, secure 
perfectly the rights of both parties, and, if I am not mis- 
taken, would be entirely satisfactory to the Southern States. 
The opposition would come from another quarter. 

One other change is required, if not by justice, at least 
by humanity, — I think by both. 

There should be a clause op limitation. Unless the slave 
were claimed within five years of his escape, and every 
reasonable effort made by his master to secure him, his (the 
master's) rights should be forfeited ; it being understood 
that this exemption from arrest as a fugitive shall only 
inure to the benefit of those who have spent the whole 
period in the United States, and within reach of legal pro- 
cess under the act. Those who go to Canada, to be safe, 
must stay there. 

It can hardly be borne in the ISTorthern States that a man 
who has lived and worked among us, has established cha- 
racter, and formed connections of friendship, perhaps of 
marriage, should be dragged away, not to his old home and 
relatives, but to be sold (as is generally the case) alone to 
a sugar planter in Louisiana. The master should be bound 
to use more than ordinary diligence in the pursuit of his 
negro, or the latter should 1)e protected from him. 

This also would remove all difiiculty about identifying 
the slave — for, when brought before a Southern court and 



jury, after so short an absence, he could hardly be swoni 
to as a slave if rcall}^ a native of a IsTorthern State. 

It would be an act of comity and kindness to our sister 
States, depending on slavery for domestic service, to permit 
transient visitors to bring their servants with them for a 
limited time, as was allowed in Pennsylvania up to the 
year 1847 without inconvenience or scandal. Much social 
and pecuniary advantage would result ; and many a South- 
ern family would tarry with us, — now kept away by what 
they consider a harsh and uncourteous interference with 
their family concerns. It is hard that an invalid, travel- 
ling for health, or a mother accompanied by her children, 
should have their faithful attendants and nurses lured away 
by the deceitful promises of persons whose only action is 
to hurry away the ignorant domestics from their best and 
most attached friends to an ungenial climate, where they 
too often leave them to shift for themselves and die in 
misery. Philanthropy does not, it seems in these cases, 
extend further than to separate these helpless creatures 
from their homes and masters, in whose families they were 
born and would always be cared for. Freedom forsooth, is 
better than food and clothing, and kind nursing in sick- 
ness and age. 

This, however, must be left to the legislators of our 
several States, to whose more cidightened humanity I would 
earnestly appeal. 

The next matter of offence to Soutlaa-n feeling, is the 
claim of citizenship for the black race, because certain of 
the Northern States have thought proper to admit it to 
electorial privileges. If this point were yielded, it would 
follow as a consequence, under the fourth Article of the 
Cojistitution, that a ISTegro being citizen of one State, is 
entitled to all the privileges of a citizen in another State. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has decided, 
that the black man is not capable of citizenship. The 
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania made the same decision 
previous to the adoption of our present Constitution, which 



expressly excludes the black iiuin from the polls. I be- 
lieve the same is held in several other (so-called) Free 
States. At all events, he is in most of these deprived of 
the privilege of voting; in others, subjected to a property 
qualification, not imposed upon white men ; and in only a 
few he is made equal with the superior race in his electo- 
ral position. jSTow, there can be no objection to any State 
admitting him to all the privileges it can confer within her 
borders. He may vote for and fill all her ofiEices ; but, if 
we are to continue united with the Southern States, he should 
have no right to particijmte in their government — have no 
power to take part in an election for Congress, still less 
for the Presidential office. 

In case of a nearly equal division of parties, he may, and 
perhaps has in some instances decided the election of a 
member of Congress. In the late Presidential election it 
was asserted, though falsely, that his vote had carried the 
electoral ticket in Ohio ; and this might indeed have been 
true if the difierence of the votes in number had been hun- 
dreds instead of thousands. It will require no argument 
to show that the 'possibility of such a contingency should be 
prevented by a constitutional provision. It should not be 
possible for an American President to owe his election to 
Negro votes. 

I believe this will be agreed to by nine out of ten of my 
fellow-countrymen. We are here with an inferior race, not 
fit to share in the management of our institutions— whom 
we will protect in their place— but that place is not one of 
equality with us either socially or politically. I am glad to 
find these are the sentiments of our President elect, pro- 
nounced with the bold and honest frankness which charac- 
terizes all his declarations. It would be, I am sure, the 
will of a large majority even of the Northern States if put 
to the vote, and an amendment to the Constitution to that 
effect would certainly be carried in the Free States. This 
matter should be settled at once, and forever. 



The ne:^t point to which I woukl advert is the power of 
a ISTortherii President, if infected with fanaticism, to en- 
courage Abohtionism at the South, by giving his appoint- 
ments to men who w^oukl farther, or, at least, not impede 
the incendiar}' attempts of the Abolitionists. 

iN'ow, the only offices which he can give are those of the 
Courts, the Customs, and the Post-Office. The two former 
departments could hardly be obnoxious to this suspicion : 
their position and small numbers would prevent the idea 
of danger ; but the postmasters, placed in every village, 
might be truly mischievous by their own efforts, or, at all 
events, by aiding the circulation of incendiary documents. 

The remedy is easy. Take the appointing power from 
the Postmaster-General, and make each local officer eligible 
by the people of the county or town. Let them be re- 
movable by the Postmaster-General for misconduct on a 
report to the United States Senate, to which hody should 
be reserved the right of overruling his action ; but in all 
cases the place should be tilled by popular election. And 
it appears to me that this change in the manner of appoint- 
ment to the local post-offices is altogether desirable in 
itself, as diminishing the patronage of the President and 
all its corrupting influences. Surely there are no offices in 
the whole country the qualifications for which a people are 
such fit judges of. Many who vote for a legislator or a 
judge are hardly competent to weigh their capacity for the 
offices they place them in ; but a postmaster has neither 
legislative nor judicial functions. The simplest education, 
honesty, and good conduct, are all his requirements. All 
can obsei've him in his vocation. If active, accurate, and 
polite, his political opinions are of no importance to his 
neighbors, who often, too oiton, have to regret the ajqioint- 
ment of a violent faction leader, neither sober, nor honest, 
nor respectable in any relation, — only a faithful servant of 
his party. The country would gain from the change, what- 
ever its motive. 

It might also, in some manner, be devised that the mar- 



slials and clerks of the United States Courts, should look 
for their appointments somewhere else than to the Presi- 
dent. And the more his patronage is restricted, the higher 
will be the motives with which the Presidential nomina- 
tions and elections will be effected. But I am w^andering 
from my subject. 

The next point is the protective tariff. 
The justice of Southern complaints, on this subject, I 
shall not discuss. I shall simply take it for granted, that 
our Government will continue, as it has done, to raise the 
greater part of its revenues from this source; and, secondly, 
that the existence of extensive manufactures, in any coun- 
try, is necessary to its greatness, wealth, progress, and 
independence ; and that the market, at home, for the pro- 
ducts of agriculture, should be a sure reliance for the latter 
interest. Thirdly, that for this purpose, some protection 
and encouragement, may wisely and justlj' (incidentally to 
revenue), be given to most kinds of manufacturing indus- 
try, but it may and should be limited, and here is the con- 
cession I have to suggest — the limit. This might, perhaps, 
be fixed at 20 per cent, on the true value, in this country, 
specified according to a system of just appraisement. This 
would be the extent, in any case ; in many, much more than 
any manufacturing interest ought to demand. If this, and 
the cost of importation do not sustain it, it is a proof that 
industry has been misapplied in it. It may be taken as an 
axiom, that no manufacture should be fostered to such an 
extent, as to force the use of an inferior article, or make 
the cost of the good one an appreciable tax on its daily 
use. 

I have almost nothing to sa^^ on the Territorial question, 
about which everything possible has been written on both 
sides. 

Pride and passion arc both enlisted in the question, and 
by far the wisest course, at present, would be to let it rest 
for a calmer moment, especially as there is no one terri- 
tory at present, a subject of dispute. But, for myself, I 



8 

would be willing to concede almost anything for union 
and peace : for wlicn a higher principle is concerned — when 
the dearest interests of our country arc at stake — when our 
public and private weal are in immediate danger — we 
should be willing to abandon our own construction of our 
legal rights, especially if, as in the present instance, we 
lose nothing. 

I take it for granted that there would be no difficulty in 
o-ivins: every guarantee about the slave trade between the 
States, and the non-emancipation in the District of Colum- 
bia, till Maryland had emancipated her slaves, and a majo- 
rity of the taxable inhabitants of the District had expressed 
a Avillingness for it. Such are, I understand, the opinions 
of our President elect, and if I can judge of his character 
and sentiments from his public speeches, I believe he would 
be inclined to sanction most if not all the suggestions I 
have made. 

I cannot find that Mr. Lincoln on the questions which 
divide the country goes in any respect beyond Mr. Clay's 
opinions, and although he did not receive my vote, I am 
inclined to believe he will, if permitted to govern our whole 
country, gain for himself at the South the same respect and 
confidence accorded to Millard Fillmore. 

But, it may be said — let him be ever so conservative, 
patriotic, honest, bold in execution of the laws, and in de- 
fence of the rights of the South as guaranteed by the Con- 
stitution — who is to save us from a successor elected by a 
still stronger sectional party ? In four or eight years 
hence, the great Middle and Western States will carry 
everything with them. How is this to be prevented? I 
answer hij diciJing them. There must always be two par- 
ties at tlic Xorth of nearly equal numbers ; the smaller, 
probably the most conservative, glad to ally itself to the 
States of the South, which, from unison of interests and 
feelings will never l)e divided in the same way. But, it 
will be asked, what will be the weight of this minority in 
the Presidential election ? AVhat was the influence of the 



9 



Democratic and Union Parties in the last election ? Majori- 
ties or pluralities of the enemies of the South may carry 
these great States with their entire electoral ticket. I reply, 
there is a way to prevent this. DifB.cult to carry, perhaps, 
against the opposition of the oligarchy of demagogues who 
govern us, but very possible and easy, if patriotism and 
not party success, were the ruling motive of our legislators. 
Change the mode of choosing Presidential electors. 
Destroy the general ticket. Choose each elector in his 
own Congressional district ; and let the two Senatorial 
electors be chosen either by the Legislature or by a ma- 
jority of the Electoral College, as previously elected in dis- 
tricts. In this way a double good would be attained, the 
State electoral votes divided, and minorities represented. 
The South would always have some Northern votes for 
its candidate in every great ISTorthern State. Perhaps, 
the North might also have a few for their favorite in the 
Southern States. The sectional division would be surely 
broken, our Presidential canvass deprived of many of its 
evils, both in its excitement and its corruption. The influ- 
ence and weight of the great States would be weakened. 
So much the better. The President has nothing to do 
with the States. He is not their representative, and should 
owe nothing to local caucuses, — have no bargains to make 
with State politicians. He should be the representative 
and creation of all the people of the whole country ; and I 
truly believe the change I propose would tend to make 
him so. 

The above has been written in great haste and without 
consultation. Reflection and the advice of friends might 
make it better, in several particulars. But never before 
was delay so dangerous. There is no such thing as onas- 
terhj inactivity/ now. All that is dear to us is in peril. 
We must speak and act at once, or we are lost. 

The writer of the above, no wise versed in public 
aftairs, with no acquaintance among public men, unused 



10 

to address by word or pen his countrymen, focls impelled 
to lay before tliem the result of his anxious meditation on 
the best remedies for the present dangers. He begs a can- 
did consideration of his propositions. If not acceptable, 
they may, perhaps, suggest others more available. If not 
practical or practicable, others with a better chance of 
success. 

The means and manner of carrying tliem out, would re- 
quire time and much consideration to mature, but if favored 
with the approbation of my countrymen, there could be no 
difficulty. Some of the changes suggested, might require 
a constitutional amendment ; others only an act of Con- 
gress or of our legislatures. If there be a will, the way 
will not be long to seek for. 

It is unnecessary to add another word, but I cannot con- 
clude without the utterance of a fervent prayer, — that this 
offering of earnest patriotism may be received in the 
same spirit in the different quarters of our Union ; and 
that God may bless my humble effort, and give it some 
efficacy in helping to arrest the downward course by 
which our country seems rushing to DISUXIOX — AVATl — 
AXARCIIY. 



p. g. — Since the above was in type, another topic has 
suggested itself, viz., the Supreme Court. 

Apprehensions have been expressed that, in consequence 
of the great growth of population in the Xorthern States, 
if hereafter the members of the Court should be appointed 
in equitable proportion, the preponderance of Northern 
men on the Bench would be so great as to render impos- 
sible a fair and unbiassed decision affectiiig the interests of 



11 

the South and her pecuhar iustitution. This fear wouki 
not be just if the judges appointed were honorable men. 
and sound lawyers ; but as the nominations might be made 
from among party men, fresh from contests and discus- 
sions, which, even with honest men, too often impair the 
judgment, I would suggest, as future provisions. 

First. That the judges should always be taken from the 
circuits they will occupy ; so that the South would always 
have their own men in the inferior courts, as well as their 
proportion in the superior ; and 

Secondly. In all cases where the question of slavery is 
implicated even remotely, that the Supreme Court should 
be formed of an equal number of judges from either side 
of the slavery line, — the reduction being effected by the 
retirement, for that case only, from the bench of one or 
more of the last appointed judges for the Northern cir- 
cuits. 

Whatever may be thought of this proposition, I believe 
it to be recommended by every consideration of equity. 

I cannot think it possible that the senior judges in such 
cases could decide on any other principles than those of 
the Constitution and the laws, and their decision to be 
final must have the concurrence of members of the court 
from both sections ; but should there be an equal division, 
on a question Avhicli did not admit of postponement, then 
there might be added to the court another judge for the 
new trial of this case, selected by the Senate of the United 
States by a vote of more than two-thirds, from among the 
most eminent jurists of the country not holding Federal 
offices. 

Other guarantees might be suggested by those who have 
given to our Constitution and its workings more study 
than I have done ; but it is clear that some such modifica- 
tions as I propose might be made in every particular com- 
plained of, without change of principle or any disturbing 
influence in our present system of government. 



12 



"Wc are ready to concede mucli, almost everything for 
Union and Peace. We are not warlike, and prefer our 
farms and workshops to the pomp and circumstance of 
war. We have no Cavaliers among our ancestors : those 
gallant gentlemen who always wore swords, and were apt 
to use them too readily ; but some of us, even in the Mid- 
dle States, are descended from the soldiers of Marston Moor 
and "Worcester. We do not yield from cowardice. 

Of all things we deprecate Civil War. 

Oh ! if my weak voice could be heard amid the shouts of 
public meetings, the din of arms, and the horrid sound of 
that accursed music, which led the Ruffians of France to 
the murder of priests and women, and which I hoped would 
never be greeted with applause by my countrymen. I would 
beseech them to stop ; and, if only for a moment, reflect 
what they are doing — where they are going — what they 
have to gain — w^hat they are throw^ing away ! 

At present, they boast of such a union of the whole 
South as never existed in the entire Confederacy. How 
long will that union last ? Is there such identity of inte- 
rest between the seaboard planters and those of the Mis- 
sissippi Valley? Would South Carolina be always the 
admitted leader. She, except Florida, the snuillest and 
weakest of all the Southern States? Would her views of 
government be adopted ? On the contrary ; may we not 
expect a divergence of opinions in the Convention of South- 
ern States, far greater than that which existed in 1787. 

The Government must be atronj ; yoicer must be lodged 
somewhere ; i\j)crfect Union, not a weak Confederacy, must 
be formed. But, let this dilHeulty be surmounted, would 
not the questions of trade, currency, and foreign polic}', 
excite terrible divisions? The revenue — where would it 
come from? A\'iuil(l direct taxation be borne under a sys- 
tem of universal suffrage, unless far more unequally appor- 
tioned than any possible tarifl:"? 

Then the question of the slave trade and foreign alliance, 



IS 



especially should the protection of a foreign power be 
necessary to defend the commerce of the South ? And if 
the trade of the country were thrown chiefly into European 
channels, would the commercial regulations of France and 
England consult Southern interests or their own ? I will 
only refer to the necessity of a large and permanent mili- 
tary array, the most wasteful of all expenses; and, while 
I turn with horror from the thought of a contest with the 
ISTorth, would only remind them of the most embarrassing 
results to themselves of a war between the two great naval 
powers of Europe. 

On the other hand, what has been the condition and 
position of the Southern States as partners in tliis Confede- 
racy' ? The planting interests have flourished as they never 
did before under any government ; the slaves have in- 
creased in number and value beyond parallel. The South- 
ern States have imposed their policy on the Government 
almost without intermission ; have elected nearly all our 
Presidents; and would have succeeded in the last election 
but for a division of party, which they alone are answer- 
able for. 

They carried the country into two wars, both opposed by 
the North, and have appropriated to their exclusive use the 
most valuable part of all the territories acquired bej'ond 
our original borders, except the Pacific coast. The loss of 
property by the flight of slaves has not been very great, and 
might be much diminished. The concessions proposed 
above, would protect all the interests connected with 
slavery. "What remains to be complained of? The ravings 
of infidels and fanatics — the declamatory abuse of preachers 
a»d lecturers — whose livelihood depend on fostering popu- 
lar excitement. Enthusiasm requires fuel, or it must ex- 
haust itself; and that fuel has been unfortunately furnished 
by many acts of violence on the part of the South; some 
of which were natural, others admit of no excuse. But, I 
think, I may assert, with truth, that there was a time when 



14 



the Abolition Party, after the Compromise of 1850 was ra- 
pidly declining — and should we pass the present painful 
crisis, I verily believe, that the lesson it will teach, and the 
concessions and guarantees it will obtain for Southern in- 
terests — will secure us for many years, Union, Friendship, 
and unbounded prosperity. 

PiiiLADELPiiiA, December 8, 1860. 



6 

/ 

POSTSC Rl PT 

TO 

CONCESSIONS AND COMPROMISES, 
»^. ^ 

Since the partial circulation of this pamphlet, a Southern 
gentleman, a Georgian, said to me, " We like your ^^amph- 
let very much ; we approve of your suggestions, and would 
accept your propositions for the amendment of the Consti- 
tution and laws, as answering nearly all our demands ; 
but would your fellow-citizens of the North support you ? 
"Would they not, on the contrary, reject many of your sug- 
gestions ; and, however just and reasonable they may be, 
would it not take long to convince them of it ? Would 
not your legislatures, as now constituted, oppose tliem? 
Would the present Congress accept them ; or the next, 
deprived of the members of several seceding States ? 
Above all, would not your politicians and party-managers 
battle with all their might against those parts of your plan 
which would take so much out of their hands and destroy 
the machinery of their power in the General Government ?" 
I reply to this, that " I have no doubt the public mind, in 
Pennsylvania, which, on national questions, has almost al- 
ways been sound, would soon show itself as conservative 
as of old ; and that the other States would only require a 
little more time for the same result; that the politicians 
would be baffled by their sense of justice and its coincidence 
with their own interest, which, in the end, always prevail 
in communities like ours." 






11 



<,^ 



But my friend rejoins, " Are we to enter into the dis- 
cussion of our claims at "Wasliiugton and before your State 
Legislatures, with the certainty of increased warmth and 
bitterness, and the possibility of failing at last? In the 
mean time, while we are making a ruinous parade of 
force — shall we be suspected of a willingness to concede 
our honest demands? of a fear to execute our threats? be 
told our real passion is Gas ? our deep laid plans only con- 
trivances for political effect ? I answer — "iVO .' — Take ad- 
vantage of your present position and demand, with no 
more delay than a reasonable allowance for difficulties, a 
prompt compliance. Insist upon such alterations of the 
Constitution, and in the laws both of General and State 
Governments, as will secure all your rights in the Union ; 
but do it with moderation, with some regard to what we 
call our principles and you our prejudices; and ask no 
more than is essential to the permanent security of your 
property." 

Presuming that my propositions cover the whole ground, 
and that the amendments suggested would be sufficient for 
what we aim at, I would make the following schedule of 
demands : 

First. That all the offensive and insulting legislation of 
the North, be at once repealed. 

Second. That the negro be declared, by an amendment to 
the Constitution, incapable of citizenship, or 
of participating in any election for national 
officers. 

Third. That the General Government be deprived of the 
power of appointing to local offices, in the 
Southern States, men inimical to their institu- 
tions and rights. 

Fourth. That the Supreme Court be so regulated, that the 
South might always have an equality, when 
questions involving their rights, were before it. 

FiftJi. That proper and perfect guarantees be given for 



Ill 



the protection of Slavery, in the District of 
Columbia, till Maryland gives freedom, and the 
taxables of the District demand emancipation. 

Sixth. That similar guarantees be given, that the trans- 
mission of negroes between the Southern States, 
shall never be interfered with. 

Seventh. That the tariff of duties have a constitutional 
limit of not more than 20 per cent., so that 
it may never prove an undue favor to one sec- 
tion, or an oppression to another. 

Eighth. That such modifications be made in the mode of 
choosing Presidential Electors as may give a 
just and due representation to minorities in 
the Electoral Colleges, and secure the country 
forever hereafter from a purely sectional elec- 
tion of President. 

The territorial question I would leave for the present in 
abeyance : the South would gain nothing now, practically, 
by a formal recognition of her disputed rights. She has 
these indeed nominally, and the Supreme Court has con- 
firmed them in a decision, to which very many are disposed 
to bow who do not approve of it. When hereafter a ques- 
tion may arise as to further acquisitions at the South, those 
who demand it may depend upon the support of their 
friends forming the minority at the North, and still more 
surely on that spirit of acquisitiveness so general among 
nations as among men, which would be very apt to prevail 
even in New England, if it could be shown that their com- 
merce and manufactures would greatly gain by it. 

Let the Southern Legislatures and Conventions calmly, 
temperately, without taunt or menace, present these claims 
to the people of the North, and if confined to the points I 
have made, I would almost lay my life on their success. 
Let them demand firmly what is right and just, and it will 
be accorded. The ground of dispute being thus guarded 



IV 



on all eidea from attack, the crusade against slavery will 
end. 

The political philanthropists of New England must seek 
some new field for their labors, and our country may again 
possess the inestimable blessings of Union and Peace. 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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